ItĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s a safe assumption that most Westerners are first exposed to plagueĂ˘â‚¬â€ťthe concept, not the contagionĂ˘â‚¬â€ťby an elderĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s recounting of the most gruesome of bedtime stories: namely, the Ten Plagues of Egypt. Although only the fifth and sixth Exodusian calamities were plagues in the modern sense of the wordĂ˘â‚¬â€ťdiseased livestock and boils, respectivelyĂ˘â‚¬â€ťall 10 curses are credited to the machinations of a divine tormentor.Ă‚Â
Whether the plague was one of locusts, fire, or infanticide, its appearance always meant two things in the Bible: that the Lord Our God was capable of feats both great and terrible; and that He was very, very wroth.
Although the Old Testament theory of epidemiology has weakened as humanityĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s understanding of disease has grown, the species-wide fear of plague hasnĂ˘â‚¬â„˘t, as the present public disquiet over the Ebola virusĂ˘â‚¬â€ťnow ratcheted up with the U.S. patients being brought to these shoresĂ˘â‚¬â€ťdemonstrates.
No matter the reassurances of medical professionals, the public, who have seen movies likeĂ‚Â OutbreakĂ‚Â andĂ‚Â Contagion, fear the introduction of Ebola to America; of something disastrous happening; of itĂ‚Â getting out.
Contrary to the axiomatic syllogism that familiarity with the unknown vanquishes the fear of it, increased knowledge of the mechanics of pestilence hasnĂ˘â‚¬â„˘t eliminated our dreadĂ˘â‚¬â€ťit has only transmuted it. At least when God was besetting us with leprosy and boils and locusts as a form of extortionary persuasionĂ˘â‚¬â€ťĂ˘â‚¬Ĺ“ThatĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s a nice first-born child youĂ˘â‚¬â„˘ve got there; itĂ˘â‚¬â„˘d be a shame if somethingĂ˘â‚¬Â¦happenedĂ‚Â to itĂ˘â‚¬Ă˘â‚¬â€ťthere was a rationale behind them. Displease God? Prepare for frogs.
The story of EgyptĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s tribulations is best understood as a rudimentary attempt to give the terrors of pandemic some semblance of logic. In the thousands of years that have followed, afflicted artisans and poets and novelists and filmmakers have attempted to dramatize, romanticize, and philosophize the most universal, marketable fear: that of plague. The resultant pop culture is as morbid and contagious as the epidemics they depict.
As campy as Exodus and the Old Testament are, the explicitly religious and establishment nature of the text prevents even the most ubiquitous plague stories of the Egyptian saga from being labeled as pop cultureĂ˘â‚¬â€ťan art form that springs not from religious origins or a lucrative commission, but from the zeitgeist itself. At the moment when humanity was driven almost to the brink of extinction in the Western world, however, a purely pop cultural creation was born that would endure for more than six centuries as a symbol of the ruthlessness of plague.
Conceptually, the Ă˘â‚¬Ĺ“Angel ofĂ‚Â DeathĂ˘â‚¬ was a cultural mainstay in continental Europe and the British Isles by the late Middle Ages. But once the Black PlagueĂ˘â‚¬â€ťthought to be the bubonic form of infection with theĂ‚Â Yersinia pestisĂ‚Â bacteriumĂ˘â‚¬â€ťkilled at least 25 million people in its initial outbreak, and millions in outbreaks spanning centuries, the people of Europe needed a personification of their fear.
Lacking electron microscopes or even the most basic understanding of howĂ‚Â Y. pestisĂ‚Â worked, painters and artists fed off the climate of morbidity to anthropomorphize the continentĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s anxiety. From this mood came the Grim Reaper.
Unsurprisingly, Death was first depicted as a skeleton, holding a crossbow or some other weapon possessing a terrifying accuracyĂ˘â‚¬â€ťlike the Black Plague, the Reaper never missed its mark. In later depictions, however, this precision instrument of death would be replaced with a scythe, a mowing tool composed of a long curving blade fastened at an angle to a long handle. With this tool, Death is illustrated in many a 15th-century woodcut mowing down souls as if they were grain.
It was around this time that the allegorical artistic genre of theĂ‚Â Danse Macabre, or Ă˘â‚¬Ĺ“Dance of the Death,Ă˘â‚¬ became popular. Depicting people from all walks of lifeĂ˘â‚¬â€ťoften a serf, a lord, a king, a child, and a PopeĂ˘â‚¬â€ťsurrendering to the hypnotic rhythm of Death. (Sidenote: Although itĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s tempting to believe that this Ă˘â‚¬Ĺ“danceĂ˘â‚¬ occurred to the tune of Ă˘â‚¬Ĺ“Ring Around the Rosie,Ă˘â‚¬ a nursery rhyme whose dark lyrics have been described as a plague narrative in urban legend, there is no evidence to suggest that it had any historical connection to the Black Death or any epidemic.)
The Dance of Death served one artistic purpose: To remind its viewers that in the face of an unstoppable plague, we are none of us safe.
This notion of pestilence as a Ă˘â‚¬Ĺ“great equalizerĂ˘â‚¬ has remained in vogue ever since plague pop culture began. If you were poorĂ˘â‚¬â€ťand, statistically, you wereĂ˘â‚¬â€ťyour life expectancy in early modern Europe was frequently shortened by war, poverty, and famine as your liege lords and religious leaders cloistered themselves in hiding from whatever fresh Hell was currently being unleashed upon you.
Logically, the universality of a plagueĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s destruction held a bittersweet promise to address socioeconomic inequality: We may not win, but Death will make sure that youĂ˘â‚¬â„˘re the loser. For the wealthy, the Black Death was able to invoke a terror unknown until the rattle of the guillotine.
No work of plague culture more completely embodies the idea of disease as social leveler than Edgar Allen PoeĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s Ă˘â‚¬Ĺ“The Masque of the Red Death,Ă˘â‚¬ which tells the tale of the sagacious Prince Prospero and his nobles, who have ensconced themselves in a castle to avoid a terrible plagueĂ˘â‚¬â€ťthe titular Red Death.Ă‚Â
On the night of a great masquerade, a night of frivolity that highlights the indifference the princely class maintains toward those suffering outside the holdfastĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s walls, a mysterious reveler dressed as the Red Death is confronted by Prospero, who quickly dies. Horrified guests seize upon the figure, only to discover that behind the mask is no tangible person, but the incorporeal Red Death itself. No nobleman is spared.
As science revealed the true nature of plague, its face was rendered less literally. The lifeĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s work of Agostino Bassi on muscardine disease in silkworms, John Snow on LondonĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s Broad Street cholera outbreak, Louis Pasteur on puerperal fever and vaccinations, and Robert Koch on anthrax and KochĂ˘â‚¬â„˘s PostulatesĂ˘â‚¬â€ťthe criteria for attributing a specific illness to a specific organismĂ˘â‚¬â€ťhave revealed that diseases arenĂ˘â‚¬â„˘t rooted in the displeasure of an angry tormenter in the sky or some faceless malevolent force, but in the proteins and RNA of minute semi-life whose biological needs happen to overlap and clash with our own.Ă‚Â
The resultant death and suffering holds no more moral connotations or meaning than potato blightĂ˘â‚¬â€ťwell, unless youĂ˘â‚¬â„˘re Reaganite domestic policy adviser and failed presidential candidateĂ‚Â Gary Bauer. Though less obviously rendered as a skeleton or a masked miasma, plague holds a unique place of terror in our collective cultural memory.
As a tool of social activism, plague functions as a double-edged sword. Although diseases and epidemics are classless and indiscriminate, they are still a useful example when slandering politically or socially unpopular groups. The cholera epidemics of the 19th century typically affected the urban poor, who were blamed for their presumed squalid lifestyles.Ă‚Â
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